R.A.BARKER, 1990.

Published by the Academia de Marinha, Lisbon, 1992

There seems to have been an interesting visitor at the court of Henry VIII in 1546-7, who had been the pilot of the French galley captured off Ambleteuse in May 1546 [1]. He was the Portuguese Padre Fernando Oliveira, a Dominican-trained polymath, who during the following quarter of a century would write some key manuscripts in the maritime field, as well as several other works of importance in Portuguese history. This paper is an attempt to collect and debate the evidence for events surrounding this incident, in the context of English naval history, and Portuguese interest in Oliveira in general. Henrique Lopes de Mendonça has of course presented much of this material in his introduction to Oliveira's Livro da Fábrica das Naos; though while he examined French sources for this period, he apparently had little opportunity to look at English material [2]. Almost needless to say, English and French accounts of these events do differ. More significantly, the chronology of Oliveira's travels can be defined more closely, correcting the suppositions open to Lopes de Mendonça or Quirino da Fonseca. What is more, the source of his English funds is made clear, if not yet the full reason for their award.

EVENTS, AND IDENTIFICATION IN THE ENGLISH ARCHIVES.

Oliveira's capture followed a skirmish between French galleys and an English squadron including the Phoenix, and the then new galleasses Anne Gallant and Greyhound. A report to the Lord Admiral says:

The galley slaves, actually Neapolitan convicts for the most part though there were Portuguese amongst them, were eventually set free in England (though initially this appears to have meant only elevation from slavery to the status of forced labour [6]). Negotiations for the release of the French prisoners - the soldiers - were protracted; as were those for the ransom of the gentlemen, not least because there were disputes about whether the peace settlement had been in force. However, the pilot seems never to have been imprisoned; indeed he appears to have become a valued courier between four Kings.

There is a possibility that he was employed as an ambassador in the negotiations over the French galley and its crew during this period. A French despatch of 25 January 1547 from London includes the passage:

There is a possibility of mistaken identity in the English records alone: it has however been a mystery in Portugal as to where the previously penniless Oliveira had acquired funds, later in 1547 (and even perhaps returned to official favour after some earlier troubles), and there seems little real doubt about the identification of Oliveira in the accounts. (The other obvious possible source of funds is St Blancard, for Oliveira's service in the galley.)

Oliveira was interrogated at length by the Inquisition for his beliefs, shortly after his return to Portugal in 1547. He refused to denounce Henry's religious views. The reason he gave was perhaps as safe as any in the circumstances, and tends to confirm the identification: that (as it is usually rendered) he "had been Henry's servant, and eaten his bread" [11]. However, the passage continues, to indicate that Oliveira was in Portugal by the English King's command, and that he came with a letter to Dom João III: we should perhaps note the slight ambiguity in the original text as to which English King was meant - Oliveira actually left England in the time of Edward VI; and indeed on which return he bore the Royal letter.

THE FRENCH GALLEY.

It is known that Oliveira, then out of favour and destitute, had been recruited (with a companion, Miguel Lobo) by Bernard d'Ornesan, Baron de St Blancard [12] to serve as pilot on his galley (not for the first time on a French ship), when the French Mediterranean galleys, under the Baron de La Garde, called at Lisbon in 1545 to replenish stores, en route for the campaign that culminated at Portsmouth in July 1545. It can be inferred that he served with the galley at its winter base in 1545/6 [13]. Oliveira was aboard the galley in May 1546: he describes the events leading to his capture [14]. On this basis it seems highly probable that he was a witness to the loss of the Mary Rose, and from close by: she was lost on the 19 July 1545 while manoeuvring in a skirmish with some of the French galleys, as illustrated in the Cowdray engraving of the event [15], and recorded in differing versions in several English and French chronicles of the time.

Unfortunately he does not mention the incident: nor the fearful loss by accidental burning of the French flag-ship Carraquon at anchor in the Seine on 6 July, to which we may suppose that he was also witness [16]. Neither does he mention that St Blancard received a dangerous leg wound, which was still causing diplomatic concern in October 1546 [17].

He does however give a brief account of the capture of the French galley, the blame for which is attributed to the vainglory of St Blancard, compounded by poor sail handling [as fn 14]. Lisle reported much the same on 23 May:

One of the priorities of the new French Ambassador, Odet de Selve, who arrived in London on 4 July 1546, was to obtain the release of the galley, and the ransom of St Blancard and his lieutenant. The Baron de La Garde, overall commander of the galleys, was also in London on the same mission for a period in 1546/7, but it is not until 10 February 1547 that we read that the galley was being prepared for return to France. Even then Henry refused to go back on his promise to release the galley slaves [19].

SHIPBUILDING.

It is particularly interesting to read in the autobiographical section of one of Oliveira's manuscripts (Livro da Fábrica das Naos) that by about 1570 he had travelled the world, working ("practising") and studying in shipyards in Spain, Italy, France, England, and even in some of the ports of the Moors, perhaps in North Africa [20]. It is abundantly clear from his manuscripts that this was no idle boast. The work represented in his manuscripts was in fact a good century ahead of its time in the area of delineating the form of ships, even if in general his descriptions are idealised [21] - but this must be qualified: it is strictly in relation to known surviving documents and to particular types of projection of hull form on paper. There must too be a supposition that for the most part this work is a compilation of the practices of others: he was not himself a shipbuilder. However, he undoubtedly became involved in suggesting and successfully carrying out improvements to one of the galleys of Francis I of France, during 1545, centred on the efficiency of the rowing arrangements [22]. Much work had been done in this direction in the Italian arsenals from about 1525, following the lead of Vettor Fausto in Venice. Fausto was formerly a Professor of Greek, who applied abstract Renaissance learning to the problem of perfecting galleys, and after success with models was employed by the Senate in the Arsenals. It must be at least possible that the equally scholarly Oliveira had come into contact with the ideas of Fausto, or even perhaps met him in Italy in the course of his travels [23].

(Similarly, the priority of Oliveira in the matter of treatises on naval warfare has to be somewhat qualified. There is little doubt that his Arte da Guerra do Mar is on a grander scale than any of its predecessors, and was published, but there are other known treatises from the early 15th century, covering at least such matters as rudimentary signalling and maintenance of order, and sets of Fighting Instructions for English fleets survive from the early 16th century. One particularly formative treatise seems to have been De Chaves' Espejo de Navigantes of 1530 [24].)

Oliveira also held some modern views about the development of shipping around the world, and the implications for the status of native populations then being discovered around the world, as expressed in the first chapter of Livro da Fábrica das Naos, which put him poles apart from the Conquistadores.

He claims, then, to have worked in shipyards in England. We know only of his two visits in 1546-7. It may be that he was at liberty to study the Thames yards, at least, at this time. In view of his later knowledge, and that the wartime building programme and design developments instituted by Henry (and some of which can still be traced in the archives) were still in full swing, it would be interesting to know more of Oliveira's activities at this time, and why he merited a reward of £100. The phrase about bread, above, does suggest some sort of service, even acquaintance with Henry, rather than mere largesse. Indeed Oliveira claimed before the Inquisition that he had not worn clerical garb while in England at Henry's express command, and that Henry had also clothed him [25]. This personal encounter would be fully in accord with Henry's known liking for dealing directly with his senior professional advisers on technical matters [26]. Edward VI, though a minor, was also interested in naval affairs. His diary records that the Lord Admiral held a banquet for him at Deptford on the 4 July 1551, to witness the launching from dock of two of his ships, the new Primrose and the rebuilt Mary Willoughby. Visits to Deptford were frequent [27].

In fact, if we turn to Oliveira's Arte da Guerra do Mar of 1555 [28], we find that Oliveira had the following to say about Henry VIII and his galleys, which if true casts new light on the period, and is a reasonable indication that Oliveira had indeed been in touch with the maritime community in England at a high level:

If it is true: but therein lies the rub. Oliveira reports that Henry built some galleys for this purpose - but they cannot be traced in the records. Much work has been done, latterly by R.C.Anderson, T.Glasgow Jr, R.Boulind and J.E.G.Bennell, to compile a list of English royal ships for the period of interest [30]. The records are however so imperfect as to make a definitive list impossible, but we may examine the known galleys. There are five names associated with proper galleys in the 1540's, The Red Galley, The Black Galley, The Galley Subtile, The Mermaid Galley, The Galley Blanchard, but it is suspected that only two actual galleys existed at this time. The Red Galley is undoubtedly the Galley Subtile, a full Mediterranean-style galley built for Henry in 1543 by Venetian shipwrights [31]. If confirmation of the documentary sources were required, this galley is illustrated in red in the Anthony Anthony Roll of 1546, most conspicuously on the oars (24 a side), though there is red trim elsewhere, for example inside the cloth-of-gold tilt at the stern. The most notable colour is in fact gold, while in common with all Anthony's portrayals there is plain timber, and the hull is black below the waterline [32].

The remaining names appear to relate at different times, and more or less officially, to the captured galley of St.Blancard. Boulind suggests [33] the possibility that "Black" is a corruption of "Blancard" (as likely "white" ?), but it is perhaps more likely to be in contradistinction to "Red", and to reflect its predominant paint colour - perhaps therefore the flashing blades were painted black.

We can thus ostensibly identify the galley in which Oliveira served, and whose galley slaves were finally released in 1551. On the other hand, we can only find a single galley built by Henry during his last French War, and not the few that Oliveira refers to.

Other oared vessels existed in profusion in the royal service, but almost any account illustrates the inconsistency of sixteenth century nomenclature. A Venetian report of 1551, by Barbaro, says of the English Navy:

Even that is a slight puzzle. In the First French War of 1512-3, the Navies fought mostly off Brest. There were Mediterranean-style galleys in the French fleet then, too, which seem to have been less than successful in terrifying English seamen [37]. That however was a whole generation earlier, since when there had been no threat from the French Navy, other than as a standing fleet-in-being; and heavily armed sailing ships had been developed as the capital ships of Henry's fleet. There were three ships in Henry's fleet at that time called galleys, and all built in 1512, but of only 60-80 tons - about one third of the notional tonnage of a full Mediterranean galley, and fully square-rigged as sailing ships [38], and so hardly answering Oliveira's description. In addition, he is specific that it was the War of Boulogne, which is quite clearly that of 1544-6, in which the town changed hands.

Galley Subtile, then, may have been a solitary example of her kind. She was however built in 1543, before the outbreak of war with France, and indeed before the large group of "galleasses" of the new English kind which seem to have been in some way forerunners of the mythical "English galleons" of Elizabeth's navy. "Subtile" is supposed to refer to the lightness of construction and fineness of mould, relative to other galleys. Subtle in other ways, too, it would seem.

It is now impossible to explain Oliveira's statement that a few such galleys had been built, other than as a lapse of memory, or by emending the list of known ships in Henry's Navy. This can be done as follows, on evidence little more circumstantial than that used to compile the present list. The Galley Mermaid is supposed to be the Galley Blanchard only because we have no separate record of her building, and nowhere are the two names seen together [39]. While it is believed that the captured convict crew were only released in 1551, there are repeated references to the preparation of the captured galley for return, about February 1547. There is too a decree of Edward VI, ordering the (reciprocal) release on 30 October 1547 of all French "persons, ships and merchandises" seized in the late war [40]. We also see from Barbaro's report of 1551 [fn 34] that two galleys were always in readiness (in the Thames). Finally, we see that the Galley Mermaid was not disposed of until the mid-1560's: a suspiciously long life for a galley which is supposed to have belonged personally to St Blancard's father during his galley days in the 1520's. There is, then, by shifting the emphasis on English records and incorporating Oliveira's statement, a case for increasing the English-built galley fleet to two; though the second vessel (hypothetically the Mermaid, also known as the Black Galley) was perhaps not completed until after the Anthony Roll was drawn up during 1546. On the other hand, the Galley Subtile is stated by different commentators to have been launched in 1544, or (correctly) ready for sea in July 1543: perhaps Oliveira was right, and there were two galleys built in 1543/4; the red and the black, the Subtile and the Mermaid.

One final possibility is confusion by Oliveira with two other events of the 1540's. In November 1540, long before the War of Boulogne, Francis I was advised that Henry intended to build as many as six galleys. Again, in 1544, it is recorded that Henry attempted to acquire ten galleys from Charles V [41]. Given the date of Oliveira's arrival in England, it is more likely that he is referring to the Subtile and any sister ship.

HENRY'S SERVANT.

If we take it that Oliveira's remarks to the Inquisition about being Henry's servant, eating his bread, wearing clothing directed by Henry, and about money brought from England, are indeed related to personal acquaintance with Henry; and furthermore that the not insignificant sum of £110 represents more than mere largesse [42] and the legitimate expenses of a voyage to Portugal, we may speculate as to the services which Oliveira might have performed in England.

These appear to fall within four possible categories:

i Negotiations with Francis I of France over the release of the Frenchmen captured in the galley - specifically as noted above, fn 7.

ii. As discussed by Lopes de Mendonça, some part in securing supplies of grain from England to relieve famine in Portugal, and action against English pirates, to secure its safe passage. Quirino da Fonseca refers to Oliveira conducting a correspondence with the Conde de Castanheira, while he was in England, on topics unknown [43]. There cannot have been many exchanges in the time available.

iii. The benefit of Oliveira´s experience in galley construction and warfare, of immediate interest to Henry at the time. The Galley Subtile had an English crew, and in her first season an English captain, but in her second year a Venetian and Spaniard took over: there was no English experience to direct the use of such a vessel.

If at this date Oliveira had already acquired more general knowledge of shipbuilding, perhaps advanced moulding techniques, such as feature in his later manuscripts, there is little doubt that Henry would have valued this knowledge in his efforts to develop new types of fighting ship.

iv. Oliveira was a pilot, and good enough to be highly valued by the French. Henry was actively involved in all matters maritime. The English merchant classes, and courtiers too, as speculators, were engaged in extending the range of overseas trade and exploration. His professional knowledge would be of interest to all such men, in its own right. Quirino da Fonseca supposed as much. (Diogo Homem was also in London, from at the latest December 1546, as were numbers of other Portuguese pilots and shipmasters too.) [44].

Or again, is it coincidence that on the same day that the warrant for the major payment to Oliveira was signed, another was issued for the conveyance of Sebastian Cabot from Spain, to serve in England ? Or was Oliveira involved in helping to set up this arrangement, in England, or during his voyage as Royal messenger ? Quirino da Fonseca, again, refers to the fact that in the autumn of 1547, Oliveira was consorting with pilots and mariners, and lodging in the seamens' quarter of Lisbon [45].

The fact is that despite the contribution of the English sources to the history of Fernando Oliveira in this period, we still cannot determine precisely how he spent his time in England. But there must be a strong supposition that that time was put to good use, and that he benefitted both intellectually and materially. We have to remember that it was actually during Edward's reign that the major payment was made; though the Inquisition was interested in the relationship with the arch-heretic Henry, not that with Edward.

There is one final possibility - at best a working hypothesis - concerning Oliveira's activities, not for Henry, but for Francis. It rests at present on coincidence of names and dates, and an assumption that Oliveira would have had some knowledge of Greek manuscripts from his early training. Thus we find "Le Sieur Olivarius/Olivarinus" mentioned twice in November 1546 in connection with the wish of Francis I to obtain copies of Greek manuscripts from England, a task entrusted to the Ambassador Selve, and La Garde, commander of the French galleys and in London to negotiate the release of St Blancard's galley [46]. Against this identification, there is a later mention of a Spaniard, Petrus Olyvarius, receiving a half-yearly pension from Edward VI in December 1549 [47].

CONCLUSION.

We can perhaps return to the naval war of 1544-6. It seems that this whole episode of measure and counter-measure, of new types of warship, and armament in the build-up to war, is an excellent illustration of the remark attributed to the French Cardinal Granville, made in 1559 at a time when England had neglected the arts of war for a mere decade, and lost Calais as a result [48]:

From 1547 to 1551 Oliveira was confined by the Inquisition for the good of his soul: in prison until 1550, and then in the monastery at Belém [50]. Is there not a certain irony that his Arte da Guerra do Mar should have been published in 1555. Albeit part of its text refers to events of 1552, and it is dedicated in 1554, he had been given plenty of time to develop his ideas on the conduct of war, latterly in monastic calm. Oliveira himself refers to the propriety of priests going to war [51]: or, arms defend the peace as dogs defend sheep [52].
 

CHRONOLOGY.

The known, or surmised, chronology of Oliveira's movements in this period may be summarised as follows:

26 May 1545 Baron de La Garde's galleys at Cadiz; asking to call at Lisbon.

June 1545 Oliveira joins the French galleys in Lisbon, as pilot to Baron St Blancard.

6 July 1545 Carraquon burned in the Seine on the eve of departure - galleys assumed to be present.

19 July 1545 Mary Rose sunk at Portsmouth - galleys present.

Lent 1546 Oliveira claims to have been to Confession in Rouen.

21(?) May 1546 Oliveira captured by the English fleet, while serving in St Blancard's galley.

26/7 May 1546 Oliveira probably lands in England at Dover.

4/10 November 1546 Olivarius/Olivarinus referred to in connection with de La Garde and Selve, seeking Greek books in England for Francis I.

20-25 January 1547 A Portuguese pilot is referred to as intermediary between Francis I and de la Garde and Selve, his officials in London, over the negotiations for the release of the galley and St Blancard.

28 January 1547 Henry VIII dies.

9 March 1547 Fernando Olivetan paid £10 by Edward VI, "in reward".

9 October 1547 Fernando Gilveiro paid £100 by Edward VI, for delivering a letter from João III.

9 October 1547 Warrant issued to fetch Sebastian Cabot to work in England.

Autumn 1547 Oliveira reported to be living among pilots and seamen in Lisbon.

18 November 1547 Oliveira arrested by the Inquisition in Lisbon.

22 August 1551 Oliveira released.

1555 Arte da Guerra do Mar published.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

Acknowledgement is due to my friend Francisco Contente Domingues, who first brought Fernando Oliveira to my attention; generously provided the Portuguese texts; and who kindly made formal reference to this paper while it was still in a very unfinished state, thus precipitating its more urgent completion.

NOTES omitted from this web version of the text.