Cyprus - a divided island

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"Excited voices roared across the walls of the other courtyards ... War! Ecevit had ordered Turkish troops into Cyprus to protect the rights of Turkish Cypriot citizens, who were being oppressed by the Greeks. At least that was the 'truth' as seen by the Turkish journalists." -- Midnight Express, Billy Hayes

On the 20th of July 1974 Turkey invaded Cyprus. On the 18th of November 1983 the North was unilaterally declared as the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus. A state that no other country with the exception of Turkey recognises.

Cyprus today is a divided island. A Green Line divides the island. On the Turkish side razor wire, minefields, watch-towers every few hundred metres. A scene reminiscent of the Cold War and the Iron Curtain dividing East and West Germany. Famagusta is a ghost town. Many refugees, both Turkish and Greek Cypriots fled to the South.

An estimated 40-50,000 Turkish troops illegally occupy Northern Cyprus. Possibly as many as 100,000 Turkish settlers, many against their will, have moved into Northern Cyprus. Stories of atrocities filter across the border. Reports filter out of systematic and widespread plunder and destruction of Greek archaeological sites.

It takes two to tango. In the early 1970's Turkey was looking for an excuse to invade. A handful of Greek Cypriots gave Turkey that excuse. Spurred on by a fascist military junta in Greece they mounted an abortive coup against the legitimate government of Cyprus. With genuine fears for the Turkish Cypriot minority Turkey initially had the tacit approval of the International Community.

In the first invasion (20 July 1974) Turkey secured an area around Kyrenia. In defiance of a UN Security Council resolution to withdraw its forces, Turkey mounted a second invasion on the 14th of August 1974. Within two days, Turkey had captured more than a third of the territory of Cyprus.

The fascist junta in Greece has long given way to a democratic regime, the Turkish occupying forces remain in place.

Turkey occupies 37% of the island's land. 165,000 people fled from the North of the island, not only Greek Cypriots but also Turkish Cypriots. 45,000 Turkish Cypriots were 'helped' to flee to the North by attacks by out-of-control Greek Cypriot paramilitary units and attacks by Turkish Cypriot terror units. More than 200,000 people became refugees in their own land.

A tiny handful of Greek Cypriots remain in the North, determined not to be driven from their homes. Many of those that remain are elderly and in their 60s, 70s and 80s.

A steady stream of Turkish Cypriots has continued to leave the North to live abroad. They find that their cosmopolitan world view is increasingly at odds with the repressive regime back home. Denktash has called these migrants 'traitors', conveniently forgetting that it is his repressive regime that is driving these people to leave their own country. A Turkish Cypriot opponent of Denktash described occupied Cyprus as 'a prison in the sun'. He was one of many Turkish Cypriot critics of Denktash, who is seen by many Turkish Cypriots as nothing more than a puppet of Ankara.

Tourists who visit occupied Northern Cyprus describe on their return to freedom a holiday spent in a Police State - soldiers and police everywhere, watching every movement.

Turkey is a repressive, brutal, Islamic regime, on a par with Indonesia, Iran or Iraq. Repression against its own people is well documented. Repression of lawyers, writers, intellectuals, students, trade union officials, human rights campaigners, minority groups within Turkey, especially Christian, Armenian, Greek and Kurdish minorities. Human rights groups who monitor the level of abuse and attempt to collect evidence find themselves in turn subjected to harassment and abuse.

Human rights offices are closed or threatened with closure. Officials are threatened and intimidated. On Tuesday 12 May 1998, Akin Birdal, head of the Turkish Human Rights Association (IHD) was gunned down at his office in Ankara.

Early May 1998 a sit-down protest by the Mothers of the Disappeared was attacked by the police and those present arrested. Even this small, low key demonstration has proved more than the repressive regime can stomach. The protests are now banned.

To a hushed committee room in the House of Lords, two young lawyers gave a chilling account of their attendance as independent, international observers at a political trial in Turkey's State Security Court, April/May 1998. The court was ringed by troops and tanks, within, the accused were faced by armed soldiers. Those on trial were executive members of HADEP, a political party. Their 'crime' to was speak on behalf of the Kurds.

To the same meeting, chaired by the eminent Lord Hylton (Moses Room, 2 June 1998), speaker after speaker highlighted the atrocities, wide scale abuses of human rights that were taking place in Turkey, the breaches of international agreements. Calls were made for international sanctions against Turkey. To coincide with the meeting, a damning report, documenting the widespread atrocities in Turkish occupied Kurdistan was launched.

During 1996 a group of EU parliamentarians produced a damning report of Human Rights violations in Turkey and Northern Cyprus, and the lack of fundamental democratic rights. The UK Parliamentary Group produced an equally damning report on human rights abuses and the lack of democracy. In March 1998, the European Commission produced a report stating 'No substantial progress has been achieved as regards human rights and democratic reform', since their last report. These are but samples of many such reports on Turkey produced by Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and other Human Rights groups.

In 1996, and again in 1997 the House of Lords debated human rights abuses in Turkey. Both sessions were highly critical and carried some harrowing accounts of the abuses taking place. The instigator of both debates, Lord Avebury, is a banned person in Turkey on account of his tireless campaigning for the oppressed in both Turkey and occupied Cyprus.

During the Gulf War two RAF aircrew were shot down in a bombing raid over Iraq. A few days later they were paraded on Iraqi TV badly beaten up and forced to 'confess' their actions. Whatever the thoughts of Saddam Hussein, his actions were counter-productive as it hardened the resolve of the world to rid itself of Hussein.

During the 1996 rout of the Kurds by Saddam Hussein one of these airmen spoke out publicly against the West's policy of protecting the Kurds. This was not because the airman had no sympathy towards the Kurds, far from it, his attack was on the hypocrisy of the West. One day British aircrews would be risking their lives to protect the Kurds from Iraqi incursions, the next day they would be asked to stand down to allow Turkey to carry out bombing raids against Kurdish villages. Raids using a military machine financed and built by the West.

14 May 1997, Turkey launched an invasion of northern Iraq. 20 May 1998, Turkey launched a second invasion.

In the Summer of 1996 a couple of Greek Cypriots were killed during disturbances on the neutral Green Line dividing the illegally occupied North of Cyprus from the rest of Cyprus. In the first case demonstrators against the Turkish occupation strayed into the Turkish side. One of the demonstrators was beaten and bludgeoned to death. Yes, they were foolish to stray across the line but that in no way justifies the brutality of the response. A few days later, at the funeral of the first victim and with tempers running high, a cousin of the victim ran across the neutral zone, shinned up a flag pole and attempted to tear down the Turkish flag (the flag of the hated oppressor and occupier). He was shot down in cold blood.

A few days after the killings Turkish Foreign Secretary and ex-Prime Minister Tansu Ciller arrived on the scene. Demonstrating that she herself was no less a thug she remarked that anyone who touched the Turkish flag would be cut down. US papers and press reports late 1996 linked Tansu Ciller to organised crime and death squads. Members of the Turkish parliament have accused Tansu Ciller of having links and called on the State Prosecutor to investigate.

The killings in the Summer were not the only tragedies to take place that year. In the Autumn a Cypriot, ironically a refugee from the occupied North, was out collecting snails. Foolishly he strayed into the neutral zone. He was shot dead. He was shot dead even though he had his hands in the air in an act of surrender. To make doubly sure several shots were fired into his body as he lay on the ground.

Digitally enhanced pictures of the killers have been posted on the Web in attempt to bring the killers to trial.

In total four people were killed on the Green Line during 1996. Earlier in the year, a Greek Cypriot National Guardsman was killed on the Green Line.

On Sunday 15 December 1996 UK Foreign Secretary Malcolm Rifkind arrived in Cyprus on a two day visit. He was accompanied by special envoy Sir David Hanney. They put to the people of Cyprus a 10 Step Programme. Noticeable by its absence was any call for Turkey to withdraw, though Rifkind did refer to this in his statements. The 10 Steps refers to the setting up of a a bi-zonal, bi-communal federation, with give and take on all sides and the need for confidence building between the two sides. Rifkind emphasised that he was acting for anyone other than the UK, conveniently forgetting that the UK was and still is a guarantor of Cyprus's independence. Putting to one side my own reservations on the plan, Rifkind is at the very least to be commended as the first British Foreign Secretary to visit Cyprus since the Turkish invasion with the sole intention of attempting to resolve the Cyprus problem.

Were Cyprus to agree to the 10 Steps it would be all give by Cyprus and all take by Turkey. In effect it would legitimise the occupation and partition of Cyprus.

From discussions with the UK Foreign Office it is all too clear their lack of understanding of the situation in Cyprus. Their constant reference to the two communities is illustrative of this. It is questionable whether they have anyone on the ground who understands the situation.

We are all hampered by the cultural baggage that we carry around with us. How we perceive a situation very much depends upon where we are coming from. The cultural baggage for anyone in the UK is Northern Ireland - two sharply divided communities, decades of hatred between the two communities, with no sign of that hatred diminishing, inflamed as it is by the bigots on both sides of the religious divide.

This is not the situation in Cyprus. The two communities were, until recently, intermixed and lived happily side by side. In fact it is probably a misnomer to speak of two communities. The danger then is that we fall into the trap of referring to the Greek side of the island and the Turkish side, when what we should refer to are Cypriots (Turkish and Greek) and a free Cyprus and an occupied Cyprus. If we don't get the semantics of the language straight then we are unlikely to move forward as we are failing to understand the situation. Prior to the Turkish invasion and occupation, there was not one part of the island that was predominately Turkish Cypriots and another part that was predominately Greek Cypriots.

That is not to belittle the atrocities that have occurred between Greek and Turkish Cypriots, these should remain as part of the historical record if for no other reason than as a warning of what can occur when things go wrong. Nor should we overlook the need to establish constitutional rights for minorities and ensure that every citizen defends and upholds those rights.

The situation in Cyprus is not that of two sharply divided communities, it is that of an independent country, part of whose territory is currently occupied by a repressive regime.

The Turkish Cypriots living in the North do not see the Turks as liberators as is so often claimed by Turkey, on the other hand we should not underestimate their fear and trepidation at re-integration with the rest of Cyprus with the knowledge of inter-ethnic atrocities still within living memory. The withdrawal of Turkish troops would require their replacement with Nato Bosnia style peace-keepers as part of the confidence building measures.

Cypriots have patiently stood by, sometimes not so patiently when frustrations erupt into mad demonstrations, but on the whole they have been prepared to rely on the world seeing the justice of their case. The world has conveniently looked the other way. There are signs that this patience is wearing very thin and will soon be at an end. The rest of the world walks on by. Attempts to buy arms on the World market (tanks and missile systems) is not the answer. Apart from the downside of a slide from angry confrontation to armed conflict there is the very real possibility of Turkey mounting a pre-emptive strike before the missiles are in place. It should be made very clear to Turkey that a pre-emptive strike would result in very serious consequences for Turkey. Cyprus has a thriving tourist industry, so once did Lebanon and Yugoslavia. Does Cyprus really want to be reduced to another Lebanon or Yugoslavia?

The way forward is a propaganda offensive in the West and Russia against Turkey. Turkey is no friend of the West, neither is Turkey a friend of Russia. Turkey is active with Iran and Iraq in attempting to form an Islamic Common Market. It has been active in attempting to destabilise Russia's southern republics, within Russia it has provided military support to Chechan separatists. It has been meddling in the Balkans, in particular Bosnia, Kosovo and Albania.

In the early hours of Wednesday 18 December 1996 BBC World Service reported a statement by the Turkish Prime Minister Necmettin Erbakan of his intentions to establish a defence pact with Iran.

If the will existed Turkey could be kicked out of Cyprus overnight. Cyprus has to be far more pro-active in putting its case to world opinion and in highlighting that in backing Turkey the world is backing the wrong horse. Cyprus has to emphasise that it is a Western democracy with a cosmopolitan world view and contrast that with Turkey and in particular highlight the lack of democracy and human rights abuses that are the norm for Turkey.

Post-Cold War offers an unparalleled opportunity to kick Turkey out of Cyprus. The window of opportunity is there, it won't last for ever.

During the Cold War Turkey was of geopolitical importance to the West, that is cold stark realpolitik. It was the weak Southern flank of Nato, though it is doubtful if any military planner thought Turkey any more effective than a line of straw men. It is one thing to oppress your own people, quite another to stand up against crack Warsaw Pact troops. In reality Turkey provided the soil for US military bases, a vast stationary aircraft carrier. Ironically it is now Turkey that is threatening the weak southern flank of Russia

The Warsaw Pact is no more, the Soviet Union has disintegrated, Russia is imploding. The Russian Army is a joke, its men have not been paid in months, its officers are moonlighting and more than happy to sell the odd tank and the clothes of their backs to feed and house their own families. But not wishing to denigrate the Russian Army, the World has changed. Whilst not quite an ally, Russia is no longer seen as an enemy and not withstanding a coup or total collapse and disintegration many look forward to the day when Russia takes its rightful place as a European nation.

Post-Cold War a secondary reason has been invented to prop up the corrupt regime in Turkey. It is all that stands between the West and the manic Moslem hordes in the East. Whilst this may be true and it is in the West's interest to build a barrier against Islamic Fundamentalism the West's policies towards Turkey are simply hardening anti-Western feeling at grass roots and running counter to its unstated aims. On the one hand the West is seen to prop up a corrupt and repressive regime, whereas on the other Moslem fanatics carry out charitable works for the poor. The more the regime is bulwarked by the West, the more brutal will be the overthrow, and the stronger the backlash against the West. The same mistakes are being made as were made in Iran and are being made in every repressive Arab regime. Short term expedients displace long term objectives. Policies in the West are based on a false premise, an enemy of mine enemy must be a friend. In pursuing these flawed policies the West is hastening the very calamity it wishes to avoid.

Having armed Turkey to the teeth (the US alone has poured $5.3 billion of military aid into Turkey in the last decade) there is a very real possibility of those arms being used against the West. Iran writ large.

With the loss of Turkey's former strategic importance, something planners have yet to come to terms with, Cyprus comes to the fore in strategic importance. An importance that has been recognised since the dawn of history, recognised by the Phoenicians, Alexander the Great, Caesar, the Pharaohs, the reason why only in the latter half of this century Cyprus has been allowed its independence.

At the crossroads between East and West Cyprus has a pivotal role in the New World Order, a position everyone has failed to recognise including the Cypriots themselves.

How do we kick Turkey out of Cyprus overnight? Once it is recognised that Turkey has no strategic value then it becomes surprisingly easy and without a shot being fired.

Cut off all aid to Turkey, in particular US military aid, cut off all military supplies to Turkey, cut all favourable trading links with EU, if necessary impose a trade embargo, block all tourism to Turkey. Turkey would collapse. The troops would be withdrawn, if for no other reason than to try to prop up a corrupt regime back home. It may not even be necessary to impose any or all of these sanctions, the merest hint or threat may be sufficient, though military aid and hardware should be cut as a matter of sanity. A beneficial side effect of a cut in trade links and tourism with Turkey would be to severe a major heroin conduit into Europe. At a time of restructuring and the admittance of new members into Nato, questions have to be raised as to the continuing membership of Nato by Turkey.

Holidaymakers and tourists can take their own direct action by not taking holidays in Turkey, by persuading their friends and colleagues to do likewise. Consumers can boycott all Turkish goods. Tourism is one of the mainstays of the Turkish military machine, cut off tourism and you choke its lifeline.

The following would be expected from Turkey

Turkey would also be expected with immediate effect to introduce a series of confidence building measures. Open up Kurdish areas and occupied Cyprus to independent observers, in particular the Red Cross and human rights groups. Unconditional release of prisoners of conscience. Stop the jamming of transmissions of Med-TV and other actions designed to disrupt the production, transmission and reception of Med-TV. Provide information on the missing. Grant freedom of movement, and other basic human rights to the enclaved. Allow displaced Cypriots to return to their properties in the north if they so wished without the fear of intimidation. Call an immediate halt to further settlement by illegal immigrants from Turkey. Allow Turkish Cypriots the freedom to attend meetings and conferences within their own country. Halt the destruction and desecration of Greek cultural and religious sites.

Any aid to Turkey should be aimed directly at the poor. Other areas to target with aid would be democratic reform, especially the training of lawyers, and the provision of infrastructure to enable human rights groups to operate more effectively.

Turkey should be suspended from all international bodies to which it belongs, until such time as it complies with the agreements that it signed on application for membership. The EU Customs Agreement and the OSCE are two such bodies where Turkey has singularly failed to uphold that to which it has signed. Suspension should be with immediate effect and remain so until Turkey has shown full compliance.

Western governments, including Russia, could push this process along by appointing, at a senior level, human rights monitors to their Ankara embassies.

Ultimately the aim has to be to build democratic structures within Turkey from the ground up, so that when the corrupt regime collapses, it will be replaced by a liberal democracy. The alternative would be a militant Islamic fundamentalist, anti-Western regime, armed to the teeth.

To achieve these aims Cyprus has to win the hearts and minds of the people of Europe and USA. Something it has singularly failed to do, because I believe it has never tried. A start should be made with the many visitors to Cyprus. They have already shown an affinity with Cyprus, that's why they are there. Not, hard propaganda, that is guaranteed to turn people off, they are after all on holiday. The leaflet 'Cyprus is not all sun, sea and sand ...' (published in 1994 to mark 20 years of Turkish occupation) is excellent. A gentle introduction without being pushy. Something to arouse the interest, but no more. It is essential that it has contacts for more information. Copies on reception counters in every hotel, copies in every bar, at the airport. There is a poster at Larnaca Airport, seen as tourists leave the island - a bit late then. Every receptionist, every shopkeeper, every barman, every taxi driver would be only too happy to give more information if asked, they certainly wouldn't need encouraging! But they should not offer unless asked.

Only a few visitors and tourists will follow this up. That is the state of the modern world, a total lack of indifference to one's fellow man, but that is all that it takes - a few. These few go home and lobby their politicians, ask questions, write to the media. Unlike the Gulf, the West had no strategic interest in Bosnia, but they were forced to act by the pressure of public opinion. When the Greek Cypriots were killed in the Summer of 1996 their deaths were flashed across the World's TV screens. Probably for the first time people were brought face to face with the brutality of the Turkish regime, a point hammered home by Tansu Ciller's brutal remarks a few days later.

The 1 cent refugee postage stamp is an example of what can be done. It sends a message out to the world, whilst at the same time raising money to help refugees. Simple and yet at the same time effective.

Cypriots should be talking to their fellow Cypriots in the North, encouraging contacts and the free flow of information. This should be outside of any existing political structures. Contacts across the Green Line in Nicosia are an example of what can be achieved to the benefit of everyone.

The International Rock Concert organised by the UN that took place in Nicosia, May 1997, is an example of what can be done, sadly it was also a classic example of how not to go about it. Many Greek Cypriots would have liked to have attended, but they did not. Why? For many it was too close to the tragic events of the previous summer, it occurred on a date that in the Greek calender marked atrocities by the Turks, too many feared the concert could end in violence. The stars of the show didn't help by their insensitive remarks that the only problems facing the young of the island were 'drugs, AIDS and unemployment'. The forces of reaction and black propaganda went into overdrive to try and ensure the concert was a disaster. Despite all this, and the fact that the concert was poorly attended and the riots that broke out in the streets afterwards, those who did attend regarded it as a success. They were able to meet both friends and strangers from across the Green Line, see they didn't have two horns and a forked tail, many exchanged addresses and telephone numbers and promised to try to keep in touch. Musically, the concert was pretty good too.

A second example, again organised by the UN, was a trip by several hundred Greek Cypriots, mid-August 1997, to a monastery in the occupied north. Whilst welcoming a rare chance to visit the occupied area, the Greek Cypriots were nevertheless shocked by the level of poverty that met their eyes. Earlier in the year, several hundred Turkish Cypriots from the occupied north had been granted permission to visit a mosque in the south of the island.

These contacts across the Green Line, help to lower barriers and raise confidence. They also have a beneficial side effect of undermining and discrediting Rauf Denktash and his illegal regime, which in no small part explains why Denktash usually blocks such contacts.

November 1997, Richard Holbrooke, US Special Envoy to Cyprus, apologised for the US involvement in the military coup in Greece, the abortive coup in Cyprus (which led to the invasion and occupation of Cyprus by Turkey). Whilst this in itself goes nowhere, it does at least recognise where we are coming from, and takes on greater significance if it ultimately leads to joint action by the US and UK to remove Turkey from Cyprus.

There is the need to expose to the world the situation in Cyprus through every medium available. Internet lends itself well to this purpose.

It is worth commending the work put in by the people who have put together the Cyprus Home page and now Kypros Net, and if any particular projects were to be singled out then it would be the 1996 Christmas Card Campaign for the enclaved children of occupied Northern Cyprus, and the project to put every occupied village and community on the Web.

Any long term solution to the problem of Cyprus has to take into account Turkey. Turkey believes itself to be vulnerable on its Southern flank, and under threat from Cyprus (the real reason for the occupation of Cyprus, and its continued presence in Cyprus). Whilst this is clearly a nonsense, if this be the perception as seen from Ankara, then it has to be treated as real and realistically addressed. A situation best summed up by Brigadier Francis Henn, former Chief of Staff, UN Force in Cyprus, in a letter to The Times (letters, 22 August 1996). The continued posturing by Greece and its massive military budget does not help.

To allay the fears of Turkey, and it could be quid pro quo for what would be expected from Turkey, I would put forward the following

A third point, but probably difficult if not impossible to achieve, would be the renunciation of any territorial ambitions over Cyprus by Greece.

In the long term, both Greece and Turkey should be removed as guarantors of the Independence of Cyprus. This leaves a vacuum as to guarantors, it has to be those with the will and the power to act. That effectively rules out the UN. Possibly UK, US, acting under Nato.

Looking to the future Cyprus is too dependent on tourism. Were there to be a down-turn in economic fortunes in Northern Europe the effect upon Cyprus would be catastrophic. Membership of the EU would exaggerate the effect. Cyprus should take full advantage of its strategic position. The world of the future is the world of information. Cyprus should link with London and Hong Kong to be centres of excellence for banking, high technology and the transfer of information. London is in the premier position on the edge of the Atlantic between Europe and America, Cyprus at the crossroads between East and West, Hong Kong in the Pacific Rim.

It is the supreme irony at a time when Cyprus is concerned about the occupation of part of the island they are wishing to concede sovereignty to an undemocratic European Super State.

The UN has declared 1997 to be 'the Year of Cyprus'. Only Cypriots can resolve their own problems and choose to peacefully co-exist, only with the help of the rest of the world can they remove a repressive occupier.

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Further Information

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Chris Nuttal, Turkey steps up mafia inquiry, The Guardian, Wednesday 18 December 1996
A chance collision of a tractor and a Mercedes kills three people. What were a police chief, a wanted criminal, a politician and a known prostitute doing in the same car? Nuttal rates it as the Turkish equivalent of a 100 Watergates. Links to Tansu Ciller?
Ian Mather, Old fears and new hopes grow on the Green Line, The European, 19-25 December 1996
Background and description of Rifkind's trip to Cyprus, plus the Ten Point Plan.
Environmental Destruction: Turkish Lawyers' Appeal, Acid News, No 5, December 1996
Turkey's atrocities against its own people are well documented, its atrocities against the environment less well known. In its on going policy of genocide against the Kurds Turkey has practised a scorched earth policy. Millions of tourists go to Turkey's south-west corner, famed for its fine beaches. These tourists may be less keen to visit if they were aware of the extensive environmental damage and pollution being caused in the area by three large coal-fired power stations and open cast mining. A court has ordered the closure of these plants, not only because of their damage to the environment, but also because of the damage to human health. The Council of Ministers in clear breach of the Turkish Constitution (Article 138/4) has chosen to deliberately ignore the court ruling.
Ian Mather & Askold Krushelnycky, Moscow's missile meddling raises spectre of war, The European, 6-12 April 1998
Background to the Cyprus crisis and the imminent delivery of Russian S-300 missiles.
Hugh McManners, RAF to airlift 250,000 if Cyprus war erupts, The Sunday Times, 31 May 1998
UK contingency plans for massive expedition to Cyprus to protect SBAs and Cyprus airspace.
Cyprus - Island of sun, sea, sand .... or is it?, PIO, Cyprus, 1995
A leaflet produced by the Press and Information Office of the Republic of Cyprus, to mark 20 years of Turkish occupation, that looks beyond the Cyprus of sun, sand and disco-bars, to the Cyprus of occupation and partition.
Turkey: Human Rights, House of Lords, 14 February 1996
A well informed debate in the House of Lords on human rights abuse in Turkey.
Turkey: Human Rights, House of Lords, 18 July 1997
A well informed debate in the House of Lords on human rights abuse in Turkey.
Democracy at Gunpoint, Parliamentary Human Rights Group, June 1996
A detailed look at democracy and human rights in Turkey, with special emphasis on the Kurdish issue.
Keith Parkins, The Arming of Turkey
Arms sales to Turkey are destabilising the Middle East.
Cyprus News, Cyprus High Commission, London
A monthly newsletter produced by the Cyprus High Commission in London that discusses in painful detail the boring minutia of UN talks.

Cyprus ~ Turkey
(c) Keith Parkins 1996-2006 -- September 2006 rev 35